Whatթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s happening in Armeniaթ§Չ‚-Չ€and why the diaspora shouldnթ§Չ‚-Չ„§t sit this one out.

By Grigor Nemet
Photograph: Reuters

I was motivated to write this response to the unfolding events in Armenia because there is an information divide between Armenia and the diaspora, mostly due to language barriers. I see a large contingent of Armenians seeking clarity as to whatթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s going on and it might be frustrating to see video footage of alarming altercations in Armenia and not knowing where to find more information on the occurrence. Please note that I do not claim to be an authority or expert on the matter, but rather I am an informed diasporan wanting to clarify a tense situation.

Whatթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s Happening?

Early morning on Sunday July 17th, an armed group of freedom fighters took control of the Erebuni police station in Yerevanթ‚Թ and took hostage of an estimated 8թ‚Թ police officersթ‚Թ occupying the grounds. They demanded the release of political prisoners, particularly that ofթ‚Թ Jirayr Sefilian, as well as the resignation of Armeniaթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s president Serge Sargsyan. As a result, the people of Armenia are beginning to support the armed citizens and violence is escalating. Furthermore, they are demanding an end to government corruption and the release of political prisoners.


Chronology of events:

      • July 17th, 5:30 AM: A group of at least 25 men storm the Erebuni precinct by driving a vehicle through front gates.
      • Fighting ensues. 2 armed men suffered injuries. 1 police officer was killed.
      • 2 rookie police officers were immediately released while one officer was later released due to medical reasons.
      • Roughly 3 hours after taking control of the precinct, the self-named group Daredevils of Sassoun releases a short video via Facebook calling on Armenian citizens to come out into the streets in solidarity and demand a change of government.
      • Word spreads throughout the country and people start to slowly assemble.
      • While cooperating with police negotiators, the group agrees to release 2 more hostages
      • Through videos posted on Facebook, the identities of some of the armed men were revealedթ§Չ‚-Չ€œone of which was a decorated war veteran, Pavlik Manukyan.
      • For a short time, Facebook was unavailable in Armenia. թ‚Թ 
      • As people gathered in Freedom Square, police began unlawfully detaining those assembled through force.
      • July 18th:թ‚Թ As more news of the incident spread, citizens exercised their right of assembly.
      • Police, under suspicion of disorder, began to arrest anyone who seemed to be assembling in public spaces.
      • Evidence of excessive force was documented by select media and citizens.
        Videos and images of unlawful and violent detentions spread throughout Armenia and internationally. թ‚Թ 
      • July 18th: The National Security Force illegally detained roughly over 300 citizens, many of whom were released the next day.
      • July 19th: Footage went viral that showed that citizen arrests were only an intimidation tactic.
      • More people began gathering in Freedom Square and throughout Yerevan. The size of the crowds grew considerably.
      • Diasporans supported the people of Armenia and their demands through video messages on social media.
      • July 20th: Amidst growing support, citizens attempted to deliver food to detainees.
      • Barricades have been set up by authorities in many major gathering locations throughout the city.
      • The bulk of civic activity has shifted towards the neighborhood adjoining the police precinct away from the city center.
      • Police have fired tear gas and flash grenades to disperse the crowd in the Erebuni area.
      • July 21st: Reports of injuries from police use of force are emerging. թ‚Թ 
      • The situation is ongoing.

Whoթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s involved?

      1. Sasna Tsrer (The Daredevils of Sassoun) թ‚Թ 

        The standoff is facilitated by the թ§Չ‚-խœDaredevils of Sassoun,թ§Չ‚-Չ„§ a group made up of predominantly war veterans and Azatamartik, or թ§Չ‚-խœfreedom fighters.թ§Չ‚-Չ„§ թ‚Թ Many of these men, particularly those who took a heroic stance in the Artsakh war, like Pavlik Manukyan, are household names in Armenia and the diaspora.

        The Founding Parliament is another closely-associated group. Rather than describing itself as a political party, itթ‚Թ is a movement that seeks regime change in Armenia as well as to uncouple the country from its post-Soviet grip of corruption. Three members of the FPM are also part of the police precinctթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s takeover, and some, such as presumed leader Jirayr Sefilian, have been detained by authorities and awaiting trial.

        Nikol Pashinyan, an Armenian Parliamentթ‚Թ member and outspoken critic of the current government, is the acting intermediary between the authorities and the men inside the precinct. The Devils of Sassoun released a statement reaffirming թ‚Թ they want a peaceful resolution to the issue.

      2. The Government

        Several sources suggest that president Sargsyan was personally informed by the head of the NSS (National Security Service) on the situation. Both the NSS and Yerevan police are the main government branches responding to the situation.

        Government-aligned media are also making great efforts to suppress information. The developing standoff was not mentioned on Armenian TV networks for 2 days, much like US mainstream media in response (or lack thereof) to the Occupy movement. In its fourth day, however, the standoff is gaining more media coverage both within and outside of Armenia.

        Itթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s important to note that people in more privileged regions of Armenia and in the diaspora have greater online access to unbiased news, while the majority of rural Armenians obtain information through television and print media.

      3. Armenian citizens

        The citizens of Armenia play an integral part in this standoff. Since its beginning, the Daredevils of Sassoun stated that its purpose was to awaken the nation and bring about real change in governance through active citizen participation. Currently, they are urging people to go into the streets and demand real change.

        The groupթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s requests are being met, but slowly.

        With the full might of the state against it, the movement is both organic and disorganized. However, as soon as word got out about the precinct takeover, citizens began to venture to areas of popular gathering points, such as Freedom Square to congregate and peaceably assemble.

        Police immediately employed a heavy-handed tactic to apprehend anyone who appeared to be engaged in assembly. This further escalated the situation, propelling it to its second day (again, there was no mainstream coverage at the time).

        An accelerating number of Armenian people are beginning to demonstrate movement support by congregating in public spaces. Among them are several notable activists and artists who are voicing their concerns of the current status quo, economic stagnation, and authoritiesթ§Չ‚-Չ„§ heavy-handed approaches to end this escalating situation.

      4. The Diaspora

        The diaspora also plays a role in the situation, but has remainedթ‚Թ almost entirely silent. Currently, even the most organized members of the diaspora are unaware, disengaged or carefully watching the development of the situation. In several cases, diasporans and community leaders around the world have voiced concerns and expressed support for the movement.

Why is this happening?թ‚Թ 

To answer this question, we need to take a broader look at the overall situation in Armenia and the region.

The events could be sparked directly by several events.

The first is the imprisonment of a freedom fighter and FPM member, Jirayr Sefilian, among other conscientious objectors to the current regime. Second, the OSCE Minsk Group is pressuring authorities to give up lands in the Artsakh (Nagorno Karabakh) Republic. Third, the Armenian people were infuriated at the territorial losses that followed the recent four-day war with Azerbaijan to which the president accidentally admitted on camera.

More broadly, the widespread evidence of government corruption and military underfunding due to the regimeթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s money laundering also plays a role. Footage of Armeniaթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s ill-equipped soldiers (visual reports showed that soldiers were using tin cans as an early warning system instead of available technology. Others showed a lack of armor on combat vehicles resulting in high rates of casualties.) on the border emerged, while at the same time, investigative reports revealed money laundering operationsթ§Չ‚-Չ€œlike purchases of multi-million-dollar properties for family members of government ministers, and one army generalթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s offshore accounts in the now famous Panama Papers.

All of these could potentially be immediate causes. But, the overarching theme is a greater need to remove the corrupt government thatթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s been in power since Armenia gained independence in 1992.

Since its independence, Armenia has been ruled by relatively similar group of people whoթ§Չ‚-Չ„§ve divided the territory and its industry. In turn, officials propped up the regime to maintain their wealth, and the ruling establishment has essentially become a monopoly.

While corruption is choking the economy and stripping the country bare of its resources, the ever-increasing depopulation of Armenia is causing unrest. A 2015 poll showed that, if given the means, over 40% of the current population would emigrate from Armenia. Large parts of rural Armenia are extremely depopulated, and many թ§Չ‚-խœbreadwinnersթ§Չ‚-Չ„§ are forced to work in foreign lands as migrant workers, often subjected to harsh working conditions and racial discrimination. About 90% of Armenian refugees, mostly from Syria, Iraq, and Azerbaijan, want to emigrate back to foreign lands as soon as the opportunity is available to them. Further, Armeniaթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s current population is hard to estimate, since government officials donթ§Չ‚-Չ„§t want to reveal it.

Another concern of the people is the countryթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s rigged elections and uneven enforcement of laws. Plenty of evidence during the last presidential election cycle showed ballot stuffing, and an overall disregard for the democratic process.

Whatթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s Next, and why should diasporans care?

While the situation is tense, there exists a societal disconnect throughout Armenia and the diaspora. Currently, the idea of cross-movement intersectionality is lacking.

Armenian independence was born out of the Artsakh movement, and the country has been defined by a series of such movements. During the late 1980s, the people of Armenia gathered to demand their right to self-determination. Recently, a wave of social justice movements swept through the country, like Barevolution (for lawful elections), the DEM movement (against increased bus fares) and Electric Yerevan (against utility price hikes). Each of these movements seemed to work.

But, for this movement, information is hard to find. As I scour the Internet for more sources on the developing situation, I donթ§Չ‚-Չ„§t see any of the movementթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s leaders or supporters. I also donթ§Չ‚-Չ„§t see commentary from otherwise active members of the diaspora (both in Armenia and abroad). More media coverage was given to the Popeթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s visit to Armenia than to this act of defiance in the face of accumulating hardships. Why? Do we not see similarities between our unified struggles? Are we afraid of what will come next?

What I do know is that the people out in the streets tonight are ordinary folks that are against ongoing injustices, because ultimately, they have the most to lose if things continue in the direction theyթ§Չ‚-Չ„§ve been going for the past two decades. The people in the streets, unlike the Armenian regime, arenթ§Չ‚-Չ„§t affiliated with the diaspora, Russian-backed oligarchs, or backed NGOs. Theyթ§Չ‚-Չ„§re the ordinary citizens fighting for a fair shake in an otherwise rigged economy.

From where we stand here in The diaspora, itթ§Չ‚-Չ„§s critical that we take a good look at ourselves and assess what we want from and for Armenia. Now is not the time for թ§Չ‚-խœamotթ§Չ‚-Չ„§ (shame-fearing) rhetoric in hopes of hiding from our odar (non-Armenian) friends, the imperfections in our motherland.

Is Armenia a place of vacations and picture perfect backdrops? Or is Armenia a place with great people and real world problems? While I donթ§Չ‚-Չ„§t have a clear solution to this tense situation, I do know that it would be amazing to see those movements of the past come together in a unified front, with support of the diaspora, or at the very least transparency in information flow/media in the hopes of a better future. We all have a stake in this, and we all stand to lose everything dear in the process.


Grigorթ‚Թ is an Oakland-based community member, previously involved with AGBU-YP of Northern California and Armenian Genocide Commemoration Committee. He was bornթ‚Թ in Moscow, USSR and raised in Tiflis Georgia, and attended the last remaining Armenian school in theթ‚Թ city. Greg is a photographer by education and currently owns and operates a graphic design company. His passion is support of transparent journalism, social justice and on his off time he makes wine.
the-hye-phen-mag.org

Be the first to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published.


*